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The
ABC’s of Fair Trade
A
B
C D F G
I L M N
O P Q R
S T W
Accountability
Recent scandals involving big business have raised the issue of
accountability in contemporary business practices to unprecedented levels.
Trust in the integrity of decision-makers is no longer taken for granted.
The Fair Trade movement, along with many non-governmental organizations,
has for decades been criticizing international trading organizations for
their methods and for the lack of transparency in their business practices.
The very same underlying problems that have led to the current crisis
in confidence are abundantly evident in bi-lateral and multilateral international
trade: an overemphasis on sales and inflated profits while simultaneously
masking future liabilities. Fair Trade provides good models for accountable
business practice.
Business Ethics The
terminology surrounding business ethics can be confusing: Corporate
Social Responsibility, Social Accountability Index, Social Impact Management
and Socially Responsible Entrepreneurship being some of the current
terms. The key issue is broadening the evaluation of success from profitability
to include rights and values of stakeholders as well as criteria that
measure security, safety and quality of life. These need to be demand-driven
through much greater participation by stakeholders with business management.
Such approaches are an integral part of the decision-making process
within Fair Trade.
Certification Fair
Trade certification requires that production adhere to a set of strict
social conditions, where registration is permitted only to democratically-organized
producer associations or plantations with independent democratic unions
who must uphold basic ILO (International Labor Organization) conventions.
In addition to paying a set premium above world market price and have
a guaranteed minimum price should the market price collapse, Fair Trade
importers must provide up to 60% of the expected harvest value. To date,
these NGO-based standards have no parallel or protection in national
legislation. The certifying agent for Fair Trade in the United States
is TransFair USA.
Codes
of Conduct Increasingly over the last few years
in the US, customers have begun asking more questions about the types
of products they are buying. Price and quality remain the primary reasons
explaining consumer choice; however other more pertinent doubts have
arisen: Where was it made? Under what conditions? Was child labor involved?
Is it environmentally friendly? Growing public demand for corporate
codes of conduct to answer these questions can be seen as one of the
significant social movements of the 1990s. As the media has revealed stories
of well-know, reputable companies selling everyday goods made by exploited
workers, there has been a rash of codes of conduct drawn up. Many are
merely public relations exercises to minimize the risk of negative consumer
reactions. In the US, 80% of the largest companies have a code of conduct,
but each is of its own making. Although the codes are most often supposed
to be about worker’s rights, the workers themselves are often not part
of the negotiation and decisions are introduced in a top-down fashion
in a country far removed from the actual workplace.
Recent
research by WWW (Women Working Worldwide) [i] with its partner organizations in low-income countries demonstrated
clearly that workers knew nothing about such codes of conduct, even
when they were working in factories supplying well-known companies like
the Gap and Nike. For many, the struggle for genuine trade unionism
was seen as more important than the promotion of company codes. Indeed
many workers interpret the codes of conduct as a series of rules they
have to comply with, rather than protecting them. For example, in China,
workers were told that they had to do in 8 hours what they did before
in 12 hours. [ii]
Fair
Trade companies have attempted to address this systematic problem by
ensuring there is a participatory democratic mechanism between workers
and management in the actual factories before establishing long-term
contracts; and, that the codes of conduct are strictly adhered to by
making frequent visits. Furthermore, the share of the profits are returned
to the producer groups to decide themselves what their immediate priorities
are, instead of assuming their best interests without consent.
Recent
high-profile campaigns in the USA, particularly in college campuses, over
the ‘sweatshop’ conditions of workers in poorer countries overseas have
illustrated the power and leverage consumers can exert over ‘free trade’
transnational businesses. This has prompted some corporation to establish
supply chains that can be monitored, albeit far from the comprehensive
and independent assessment required.
Development Aid
In the last ten years, official development assistance (ODA)
has dropped to less than one-third of the agreed UN target. In real
terms, this shortfall amounts to $125 billion each year at a time. The
United States, the world’s largest economy, is the least generous major
donor, dedicating only 0.10 of its GNP to aid, instead of the 0.7% target
pledge made to the UN some thirty years ago, and contrary to the perceived
figure of 15% by the American public. [iii]
President Bush’s
pledge to increase US development assistance by $100 million over the
next five years could be seen as a sign of progress, but only if the
criteria for ‘qualification’ is not based on political grounds nor funneled
through the same mechanisms and development strategies that have consistently
left out those who most need it. Fair
Trade practices can offer a workable alternative. According to the European
Parliament, “Fair Trade is not a marginal niche market nor a passing
fad …but one of the few successful approaches to development aid.” [iv]
FLO
(See "Labeling")
Fair Trade
Fair Trade’s rules guarantee: a living wage in the local context, offering
employees opportunities for advancement, providing equal opportunities
for all people, particularly the most disadvantaged, engaging in environmentally
sustainable practices, being open to public accountability, building
long-term trade relationships, providing healthy and safe working conditions
within the local context, providing financial and technical assistance
to producers whenever possible.
Free Trade
Separating rhetoric from reality can be a time-consuming exercise. Nowhere
is this more pronounced as in the almost daily attempts to associate free
trade with democracy and prosperity. The current plan to extend the North
America Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) to include nearly all of the countries
in the western hemisphere, the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas)
is an agenda designed to allow corporations, that already are in many
cases guilty of exploitative business practices, to have expanded powers
to sue governments that ‘hinder trade’.
Fair
Trade advocates, alongside other civil society bodies, are often branded
as protectionists or isolationists who oppose trade per se. This is
a distortion. Trade can be utilized as an engine of growth for all and
can help to lift marginalized, small-scale producers from their poverty.
It is the specific rules of trade that are overwhelmingly unfair
and exploitative. (See Fair Trade
above.)
Globalization The
type of business that dominates today’s global economic system operates
on the basis of finding the cheapest labor source and charging the highest
price to the consumer. This represents the key component of ‘free market’
or ‘free trade’ ideology. In the eyes of the ‘globaphiles’ (represented
in the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the WTO and
Northern-government circles), all trade is good trade and every trade
barrier is a bad barrier. Increased trade though is not an automatic
guarantee of poverty reduction, as the dominant view contends. ‘Globaphobes’
by contrast are acutely pessimistic about trade, believing it leads
to more poverty and exploitation by TNCs of poor countries. The evidence
of the last twenty years bears this out – the huge increase in wealth
generated by trade under globalization has not been matched by a parallel
progress in poverty reduction, or in broader progress towards human
development.
Fair
Trade organizations are not alone in stressing that trade, under more
equitable and less hypocritical rules, can work as a real engine for
genuine broad-based economic growth. Complete withdrawal from the international
trading system, on the other hand, would leave the world’s poor even
further adrift and isolated. Increasingly nowadays global business operates
in a “triangular manufacturing” [v] system under which companies take orders from Europe and the US, contract
them out to lower wage economies and then ship the finished goods back
to the buyers. This method of ‘outsourcing’ eliminates any contact between
the low-paid producers and management operations, and absolves employers
from any responsibility for workers.
Fair
Trade, conversely, has deliberately tried to reverse this emergence
of “manufacturing without factories” by encouraging direct contact with
producers, ensuring greater participation and guaranteeing long-term
relationships. By establishing ‘good practice’ models, Fair Trade provides
a clear alternative to the flawed premise that a business can’t be successful
unless it maximizes its profit. In the USA, there are nearly twice as
many Fair Trade companies operating as for profit ventures. [vi]
Fair
Trade supports reform for a more balanced rules-based system of trade
that gives poor countries a reasonable stake in global prosperity. The
political will to bring this about is beginning to show some signs of
recognition - recalling the spirit of the Bretton Woods Conference at
the end of the Second World War, and recognizing the threat to collective
security posed by poverty and inequality, the UK finance minister called
for a commitment to ‘inclusive globalization’. [vii]
International
Commodity Agreements Rich
countries’ willingness to favor the interests of powerful food companies
in getting cheap raw materials has been a major factor in shaping commodity
markets. Arguments that the failure of such intervention proves the
case for free trade or supply management is anti-market and bad for
business are hypocritical; the current ‘free market’ US government is
responding to a crisis in over-production in its steel industry by seeking
an international supply-management agreement.
More
recent attempts at supply management by poorer countries in order to
push up prices, for example the ‘retention’ plan by the Association
of Coffee Producing Countries (ACPC) in 2000, have failed to produce
any meaningful action. Part of the problem was the failure to separate
the objective of raising prices from stabilizing prices. In addition
to lacking the storage facility to withhold stocks from the market,
the bottom line still remains that exporting countries have desperate
needs for foreign exchange however low export prices fall.
The
proposals made by NGOs to reform this systematic commodity crisis mirror
many of the steps that Fair Traders have already taken or plan as future
strategies: market intervention and long-term supply management by means
of quality criteria, increased diversification and value-added, and
the use of insurance (in the form of premium/credit for farmers to manage
the risk of price collapse). The predecessor of the WTO, the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), explicitly accepted the case
for commodity-market intervention.
Labeling Consumers
have a right to know the conditions in which goods are produced,
and companies who purchase these goods should make this information
available. Promoted by a wide cross-section of consumer groups,
corporations, governments and even the World Bank, labeling is
widely accepted as a vehicle for broadening consumer choice and
giving products a market incentive to improve their social and
environmental performance. [viii]
Labeling
a product produced in a socially responsible way requires the elaboration
of well-defined criteria which are clear to everybody. Important common
ground is shared among Fair Trade labels, such as TransFair (USA), Max
Havelaar (Europe), and Fairtrade Mark (UK), eco-labeling efforts in
forest and marine products (by the Forest/ Marine Stewardship Council)
and social labeling in textiles and apparel (by Clean Clothes Campaign
or Rugmark). Since these labeling efforts are strictly voluntary, they
are not considered by the World Trade Organization to be barriers to
trade.
Since
1997, the fairly traded labels have been united under the umbrella
NGO, Fairtrade Labeling Organization International (FLO), in order
to harmonize differing standards and create a single Fair Trade
market. FLO has established common Fair Trade principles, procedures
and specific certification requirements for coffee and tea, fruit
and other commodities.
It
is important to bear in mind that not all Fair Trade products--especially
non-food craftscarry certification labels. Consumers can be confident
that businesses who are members of the Fair Trade Federation operate
according to Fair Trade criteria.
Markets
Refreshingly frank criticisms of ‘markets’ are uncommon outside
the NGO world, but Leon Panetta, co-chairman of the New York Stock
Exchange panel on corporate reforms, reinforced what Fair Trade
advocates have been saying for decades - we need to address “the
whole get-rich-quick, boost-the-stock-price environment” that
encourages speculation in the markets. [ix] Unfortunately the reality for the last ten years has been to focus
on short-term swings in stock prices, rather than long-run profitability,
which were hailed by investors and the business press as ‘creative,
cutting-edge management’.
The
financier and philanthropist George Soros has observed that global markets
operate on fewer and fewer shared values, and that markets dictate politics,
rather than vice versa. The general failure to deal with this problem
has created our greatest threat to stability. [x]
Although
the world market for Fair Trade products is expanding at 10 to 25% per
year, with about 60% sales coming from a small number of food products,
most proponents agree that their market share will always be relatively
small. Thus the true significance lies in the critique of the subordination
of agriculture and food to market principles that devalue and thus encourage
the degradation of human and environmental resources, particularly in
poor countries.
Thanks
to the work of Fair Trade companies, more small-scale farmers are increasing
their knowledge of and access to distant commodity markets. Strong linkages
between producers, importers and labeling organizations as well as more
reciprocal financial and commodity exchanges have proven essential in
re-embedding value in human resources in the market place.
NGO
Nongovernmental organization
Organic
Organic labeling, unlike Fair Trade, has been solidified by national
regulations that define minimum ‘organic’ standards. The International
Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM), with over 600 member
organizations in 100 countries, has only recently added standards that
stipulate that producers must uphold basic human rights and labor conditions,
after considerable controversy. [xi] Organic production has grown considerably in recent
years to over 100 countries, with imports from countries of the South
valued at about $500 million per year, but representing only five per
cent of the world organic market, worth over $10 billion.
Contrary
to most assumptions of organic production, much of the trade is controlled
by medium and large enterprises, and does not directly benefit small
family farms. [xii] Important barriers to entry for poor rural families
are numerous. They include extremely high certification costs (up to
five per cent of their sales value) borne by the producer, a conversion
period of up to three years, during which time farmers experience diminished
income, and a general lack of information available on organic processes
and markets.
The
vast majority of small farmers involved in Fair Trade worldwide grow
primary commodities like coffee and cocoa without chemical fertilizers
or pesticides and are considered ‘passive organic’. Traditional family
farms grow a variety of crops in one area (‘intercropping’) together
with livestock making more efficient use of the land than large monoculture
estates. Though there are minimum agro-ecological requirements for Fair
Trade producers, they do not meet organic standards.
In
order to help small-scale farmers profit from the growing market for
certified organic produce, Fair Trade groups have provided the financial
and institutional support necessary for conversion from ‘passive organic’
to certified organic. This is usually done by means of an extra premium
added to the minimum Fair Trade floor price to provide an incentive
to change. Many cooperatives invest their revenues in technical assistance
to train their members in soil improvement and other long-term sustainable
techniques that will reduce their dependence on costly imported agrochemicals.
This has proved to be very successful with small-scale organic coffee
producers in Mexico. Since 1999, for example, 80% of the Fair Trade
certified coffee by TransFair (USA) has been certified organic.
Prices
Guaranteed minimum prices is one of the cornerstones of the Fair Trade
movement and they have enabled many small holder producers to survive
the slump in commodity prices. For example, coffee prices have fallen
by 70% since 1997, costing developing-country exporters some $8bn in
lost foreign exchange earnings. Thanks to the efforts of Fair Trade
companies and consumers who paid the extra premium through a fair-trade
price, farmers in Latin America at the end of 1999 were receiving double
the prevailing market prices.
The
effect of unstable, or low prices, on the producer are numerous. Research
has shown that farmers’ families take their children out of school,
suffer from increased malnutrition and have extreme difficulty meeting
health costs; or at worst, abandon their land. Arguably more important
than the actual price is that the absolute risk of indebtedness, which
increases the more unstable the market is. Short-term contracts and
delayed payments mean that small-scale producers cannot plan ahead,
find it difficult to obtain credit and can be pressured into selling
their goods/crops at bad prices. Even when market prices have increased
beyond Fair Trade prices in the past, the fact that most small-scale
producers continue to sell to their cooperative instead of the middlemen
exemplifies their priorities of stability and guarantee over quick profit.
Although
most producers only sell a small part of their total production to the
Fair Trade, usually at a higher price than conventional traders, in
some countries it has had a ‘snowball effect’ on prices for other producers.
Since the availability of the produce to commercial middlemen is reduced,
they are forced to offer higher prices to obtain sufficient amounts.
Examples include honey in Mexico, brazil nuts in Peru, cocoa in Bolivia,
tea in Zimbabwe amongst others. This discovery helps to negate criticism
from some circles that Fair Trade leaves other small-scale producers
out of the picture, since evidence has shown that other producers benefit
too from the ‘snowball effect’ on prices. [xiii]
Fundamental
to mainstreaming Fair Trade pricing policies is reform of corporate
purchasing policy whereby companies pay genuinely fair prices and establish
long-term contracts. The real choice facing industry is between short-term
(and shortsighted) profit imperatives, and a long-term stake in an industry
that combines profitability with sustainability.
Quotas
Fixed quotas used to form the basis of international commodity agreements
and helped considerably towards establishing some kind of price stability
and avoiding extremely low prices. It worked as follows – if the market
price fell below a set price, a quota regulation system came into effect
and the producer countries could not export more than their respective
quota. This operated in the coffee market for almost thirty years until,
in 1989, a fourth agreement collapsed when producer countries could
not agree on the distribution of coffee exports. The result was market
deregulation which produced a free fall in prices as exporting countries
dumped their stocks on the market.
Regulations
aIn the lingo of free-marketeers, government regulation, or intervention
is a dirty word. Most economists refer to the so-called ‘invisible hand’
that regulates market prices according to supply and demand. However,
the majority of rich ‘free trading’ countries actively use strong-arm
tactics, usually in the form of corporate lobbying, to secure markets
for their own products. Similarly, strict regulatory mechanisms are
in place to protect their own domestic industries from developing country
exports. In fact, according to the IMF ‘openness’ test, many poor developing
countries are now far more open to trade than the champions of free
trade, the rich industrialized countries. [xiv]
History
can provide some perspective here. During their own development, today’s
rich nations insisted on the right to nurture infant industries behind
government-regulated protective tariffs: the USA categorically rejected
free trade until they had established themselves economically. Even
Adam Smith, for all his belief in the power of the market, was much
less radical as current corporate demands on poor countries for liberalization,
urging trade only by ‘slow gradation and with a good deal of reserve.’
Fair
Trade recognizes the need for a similar level of protection for marginalized
producers as the richer countries did for their infant industries. This
is not intended as a permanent protectionist policy but as a stepping
stone in order to have sufficient time to develop their indigenous talents,
build-up their sales and marketing capacities and outlets to mainstream
trade. By approaching their southern partners in this manner, Fair Traders
help producer groups to gain confidence in a trading system that seems
too complicated or distant, gain vital experience and ultimately avoid
an overdependence on the Fair Trade system.
Subsidies
The US, Europe and Japan spend $350 billion a year on agricultural subsidies
( six times what those countries give in development aid)and
this creates massive food surpluses that are then dumped on world
markets, depressing prices and putting the lives of hundreds of thousands
of small-scale farmers in poor countries at greater risk. The UNDP estimates
that these subsidies cost poor countries about $50 billion a year in lost
agricultural exports. The inequity of the system is not lost on the farmers
themselves: “You know why I can’t compete with American farmers? It
is because the market is not fair. They get subsidies and we get nothing.”
(Mexican farmer, Oxfam report).
[xvi] With the 2002 US Farm Security Act,
taxpayers will be providing farmers over the next ten years with 70% more
‘price stability’ for a total of $180 billion.
One of the biggest
beneficiaries is America’s influential cotton mills like Milliken &
Co., who will receive $2 billion from the government to pay the difference
between high US prices and lower foreign prices. The result is cotton
production has doubled and the glut has cost African countries $250
million each year. The
rhetoric of supporting American farmers under closer inspection bears
out some glaring gaps in truth. The fact that 60% of American farmers
get no subsidies at all, and 47% of commodity payments got to large
farms with average household incomes of $135,00 clarifies the key issue
– that is, large-scale government welfare protects minority interests
of the rich, who are “farming the government."Fair Trade partnerships
are most often with small scale operations, such as family farms and
democratically led cooperatives.
TNCs
Transnatinal corporations are the most powerful actors in the global economy
determining trade policy, but remain largely invisible to the general
public. Two thirds of all trade takes place within TNCs.
World
Trade Organization Created in 1995 out of the General Agreement
for Trade and Tariffs (GATT), the WTO has unprecedented authority and
reach but, unlike GATT, members are not offered which rules they can enforce;
all of the WTO rules must be accepted unconditionally.
The global rules extend
far beyond tariff and non-tariff barriers covering investment, services,
intellectual property rights, including agriculture and textiles –
two key areas of marginalized producer groups that Fair Trade support
and aim to protect. Domestic policy decisions, once the sole preserve
of national governments, are now subject to scrutiny by the WTO. As the
weakest partners in the global trade, poor countries need a strong multilateral
system of rules more than rich countries to defend themselves against
the retaliatory capacity of industrialized countries, who have rapidly
constructed WTO rules to their own advantage.
Unlike the World Bank
and the IMF, where governance is based on ‘one dollar, one vote’,
which results in a situation where those implementing programs (poor countries)
have the weakest voice in its actual management, the WTO has a different
structure. It is based on ‘one country, one vote’. Despite
its more democratic appearance, power relationships and corresponding
capacity and representation create inherent inequalities.
For example, in negotiations
on agricultural trade, which are more important to the economies of sub-Saharan
Africa or South Asia, one non-specialist representative may face large
teams of consultants, lawyers and special advisors backing American and
European interests. Further to their limited voice, most WTO members,
representing the majority of the world’s population, are the very
same countries who are being asked to comply with the most radical WTO
rules concerning domestic reforms. As long as private interests
continue to prevail over public interest, the WTO will be confronted by
a crisis of legitimacy, posing an imminent threat to policies for poverty
reduction by promoting the liberalization of investment in areas that
conflict directly with national economic development priorities.
Reprinted with permission of Fair Trade Resource Network
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